TNN.ng: Opinion

[OPINION]: The Trial Of Bishop Kukah - By Tatalo Alamu

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<b>Poor Mathew Hassan Kukah! He has had it up to the nape of his cassocks. The torrents of abuse have now transformed into a tsunami of vilification. It was just as well that the week ended with the congregation of Catholic Bishops removing the ground from under Bishop Kukah by wholeheartedly supporting President Buhari’s anti-corruption hurricane.</b></div>
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Never in Nigeria’s public history has a hitherto respected man of god tumbled so fast in public esteem. Never has a man so widely admired for his cutting intellect become a master of pompous equivocation and fatuous obfuscation. Never has the implacable Nigerian intellectual lynch mob been so fast and furious in dismembering and devouring its victim.</div>
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It is a sad spectacle, and a consuming Nigerian tragedy to boot. Many of us who consider ourselves friends and admirers of the gutsy and cerebral Bishop of the Sokoto Catholic Diocese can only watch in pained silence as the man of god appears to unravel in a drama of self-demystification. But in revolutionary situations, everybody must answer their fathers’ name and one must be ready to drop a friend because of principles rather than drop principles because of a friend.</div>
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These must be revolutionary times in Nigeria indeed. It is only in revolutionary times that people lose total respect for priestly cassocks and other symbols of traditional authority. It is only in revolutionary times that the sacred become desacralized in bitter profanity and people move from hero to zero. The man of the people becomes the enemy of the populace. The dark night does not recognize sacerdotal distinction.  As the mob brays in implacable distemper, the expiring ruling class that has held Nigeria hostage must note this development.</div>
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Bishop Kukah’s superiors in the Nigerian Catholic nomenklatura  must be clicking their tongue in sagely relish. A child can have as many new clothes as an elder, but he can never have as many rags. Many of the superiors of the Sokoto Bishop must be rubbing their palms in smirking satisfaction. Only the barely discerning would not have noticed a certain froideur, a chilly discomfort among the Catholic hierarchs as Kukah rose to secular apotheosis as a liberating theologist and friend of the rich and powerful at the same time. As the Yoruba will put it, nobody must stop a youngster from climbing the hill of Langbodo.</div>
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In retrospect, perhaps it will be said that the Sokoto bishop chose the wrong time to cross the Homeric frontline between the Nigerian powerful and the teeming powerless; and between whistle blowing against the powerful or becoming a loud and brash megaphone of its rearguard rally. Not even the most gifted and proficient trickster knows when the trick will fail, and in revolutionary situations one cannot be too careless in his choice of enemies.</div>
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The last straw, it seems, is Kukah’s stirring at the behest of the controversial Peace Committee. Let it be bluntly and baldly stated that this committee is not about peace at all. It materialized as a last ditch ruling class initiative to force General Buhari to accept dishonorable defeat and hence to stave off the revolutionary turmoil and anarchy that would have accompanied electoral miscarriage. It is a wearisomely familiar Nigerian ploy to impose “peace” in the absence of social and political justice. But they misjudged the mood of the nation and the fact that Nigerians have had it with their ilk.</div>
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Bar a few misguided ones who are glad to be dredged up from peat bog of political oblivion and the odd naïve do-gooders, most of our newly minted peaceniks are compromised scoundrels working for the old regime and traditional mischief-makers on a typical pay day. Available reports indicate that some of them were already privately gloating about the inevitability of a Jonathan victory. They came to bury Buhari and not to praise him. But it bombed spectacularly. Perhaps this is one of the “spectacular” things that Jonathan did which Kukah  referred to with deliberately oblique disingenuity.</div>
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Having failed in their core mission, they have now transformed into a “peace” council to disturb the peace of the nation, and to stalemate the inevitable sanitization of the polity. They have gone about endlessly chattering about due process and the fact that this is a democracy and not a military order. One wonders how democracy and due process would have fared had they succeeded in suborning the sovereign electoral will of Nigerians.  Let this be the last time President Buhari will give them a decent hearing.</div>
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Kukah’s attempt to defend the motive of the peace council has brought a gale of angry denunciations on the internet and social media with many of them charging the Catholic supremo with perfidy and betrayal. This columnist read about three hundred of these angry rebuttals and only a few were willing to stake their integrity on the integrity and honesty of the bishop. It was redolent of pent up fury and misgivings, as if they have been waiting for Kukah to cross the line.</div>
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Kukah’s  attempt to correct a purportedly mischievous slant that gave the impression that the council went up to President Buhari to bargain for a soft landing for the disgraced and discredited Jonathan drew even more tempestuous  tirades. And then in the unkindest cut of all, a shadowy and hitherto unknown organization going by the name of CUPS came out to directly impugn Kukah’s integrity and claims to probity in a well-detailed allegation of sleaze and corruption.</div>
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This column will refrain from publicizing the salacious and insalubrious details, but they go to show how far Bishop Kukah’s stock has fallen. It is a remarkable development and no matter his public grandstanding and defiance of the gravitational pull of seamy scandals, the plucky priest must be having some anxious private moments. Even if they remain at the level of mere allegations, that they are ever broached at all shows how public perception can be influenced by the power and putrescence of offensive associations. The bishop’s cup is full and it overflows indeed.</div>
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It may well be too late to ask the august catholic prelate to return to base. For a man of such calm and deliberate mien, such choices are not lightly made in the first instance. As we have said, everybody must answer to his patronymic in these perilous times. Like a savage hawk remarkable for its hunting prowess and ferocious precision, the Nigerian ruling class knows the particular moment to home in on its intended prey and which foibles and personal peccadilloes to zero in upon.</div>
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In a postcolonial society infamous for its political dysfunctionality , the transition from  civil society activist to state actor is a very precarious affair indeed. In Nigeria, only few people, if any at all, have been able to manage the transition without major scars. This is because inchoate and disadvantaged civil society feels abandoned and neglected by one of its own. Like vultures waiting for the ethically deceased, they bid their time waiting to take their pound of flesh or carrion and the quiet hysteria of private abandonment soon gives way to the public hullabaloo of angry and messy divorce.</div>
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The Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese seems to have had it coming for quite some time. There might have come a time when a practical patriot like Kukah might have come to the conclusion that it might be better and more nation-rewarding to remonstrate with the Nigerian powers that be at close proximity than to demonstrate against them from a far distance.</div>
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As a minority scion of the most minority of ethnic formations, Kukah might have concluded that he stood no chance raising hell among the hell-bound  majority monsters—as he himself once memorably dismissed Nigeria’s major ethnic formations. It may well turn out to be a bridge too far, but in the brutal power calculus of Nigeria’s political coliseum, innocence is not a virtue but a symptom of suicidal naivety.</div>
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Who will then speak and speak up for the Nigerian minority ethnic subaltern? As a devoted watcher of Nigeria’s volatile and explosive political gymnasium, this columnist entered into a private correspondence with the father who art in Kaduna then over his seemingly seamless transition from civil society activist to state actor.  Yours sincerely wanted to know whether the transition was conscious or seemingly unconscious. It was a particularly illuminating exchange whose details must remain private and confidential.</div>
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What did it for this columnist was Kukah’s out of proportion reaction to a Soyinka piece detailing the ills and ailments of the Nigerian postcolonial state. As usual with the implacably agonistic Nobel avatar, it was a merciless and astringent critique dripping with venom and vitriol. The old literary lion does not take hostages in these matters. But anybody who has watched Nigeria’s descent into political infamy over the decades would side with Soyinka’s angst about the fate of his beloved country.</div>
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What seemed to have drawn Bishop Kukah’s particular ire was Soyinka’s damning conclusion that nothing good could come out of the Nigerian state as it was constituted. It is interesting and intriguing that Soyinka’s response to Kukah was a mixture of puckish humour and elderly irritation. Subsequent events seem to have proved the Nobel laureate right.</div>
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Thereafter, certain changes in Kukah’s public personae became noticeable as he moved closer and closer to the sanctuary of state power. An imperious swagger seems to have been added to the bouncy gait even as a pompous and pomaded puffery became the order of the day. A moody irascible brio and prickly condescension became the sine qua non of Kukah’s public engagements. The bishop’s secular beatitude was in full progress.</div>
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But such beatitudes do not beautify, and neither do they ennoble in the tumultuous and turbulent context of a postcolonial nation roiling in crisis and contradictions. In such circumstances and situations, it is the bounden duty of all men of god to speak truth to secular power and not to become carpetbaggers and reactionary rearguard rallying points for the retrogressive and anti-progress rump of a failed ruling class.</div>
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The current pope is an outstanding exemplar of this sacred moral responsibility to the powerless of the earth; and so was the old much admired and revered Polish pope, the illustrious Cardinal Karol Wojtyla. We dare say that in the last decade and a half beginning with the Oputa Panel, Bishop Kukah has been rather remiss in that historic and sacred duty. If it is not too late, this gifted priest should find his route back to public restitution and redemption.</div>
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<i><b>Culled from <a href="http://thenationonlineng.net/the-trial-of-bishop-kukah/">The Nation</a></b></i></div>
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[OPINION]: The Trial Of Bishop Kukah - By Tatalo Alamu

Poor Mathew Hassan Kukah! He has had it up to the nape of his cassocks. The torrents of abuse have now transformed into a tsunami of v...

Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II - The End Of An Era

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<b>The remains of the late <i>Ooni of Ife</i>, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, will be interred today. But, his legacies will linger for a long time. The Nation's Group Political Editor Emmanuel Oladesu examines the reign of the colourful monarch.</b></div>
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Today marks the end of an era in Ile-Ife, the cradle of Yoruba. The ancient town will be united in mourning and celebration of the passage of the Oonirisa Adimula, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II. The body of the Arole Oduduwa will be interred in the <i>Tombs of Owooni,</i> amid the chanting of the cognomen of his ancestors, and to the admiration of the gods. Only few traditional wise men will witness the funeral, which will be shrouded in secrecy. They will include some chiefs, selected symbols of sacred societies, custodians of traditions and other ancient fathers of secrets.</div>
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Traditionally, it is also a historic moment in Yorubaland. The Ooni is the keeper of the Household of Oduduwa, the progenitor. Thus, the attention of monarchs in Oyo, Oke-Ogun, Osun, Ekiti, Ondo, Ijebu, Remo, Ikale, Ilaje, Ekiti, Akoko, Ijesa, Egba, Igbomina/Ebolo, Awori, Sabe and Popo will focus on Ife, their<i> orirun </i>(roots) and symbol of racial unity.</div>
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Historically, all Oonis were colourful. Before they ascended the throne, they were perceived as first class princes. Apart from Oduduwa, the founder of the race, others who have made impact when they reigned as <i>Owoni </i>included Oranmiyan Akinorun, the founder of Oyo Empire; Obalufon Alayemore, who left Ile-Ife to establish Efon Kingdom; Geesi, Ayikiti, who ascended the throne, based on the support of Are Ona Kankanfo Latoosa Asubiaro; Oba Derinola Ologbenla, who was ruler of Oke-Igbo before becoming the Ooni; Oba Abewela, who was attacked by Oyo rebels; Oba Adelekan Olubuse Eriogun, who re-assembled the dispersed people of Ile-Ife and fortified the town against onslaught by Modakeke; and Oba Ademiluyi Ajagunlaforikan, who brought the people of Modakeke back to Ife to boost the population of the kingdom so that he could earn a fatter allowance from colonial masters.</div>
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However, the last two Oonis, Alayeluwa Adesoji Taniadewo Aderemi and Oba Okunade Sijuwade Olubuse II, raised the prestige of the throne in the post-colonial era. During the colonial era, the colonial masters, led by Governor David Cameron, were fond of Aderemi because he was educated. During a conversation with Governor Donald, he told Aderemi that a time would come when political elite would displace traditional rulers, adding that the revered institution might be relegated to the background. Responding, Oba Aderemi said the possibility could not be ruled out. But, he added that, when the time would come, his children would be part of the ruling elite. It was an understatement. Aderemi produced lawyers, judges, commissioners, and a Head of service, Mrs. Tejumade Alakija.  Today, his grandson, Jide Omoworare, who was born by his tenth child, is a senator.</div>
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Aderemi became Ooni in 1930. According to historians, his coronation was a turning point in Yorubaland. Before then, he had already made name in the colonial service and private business. He was the first educated Ooni. He served as a member of the Colonial Legislative Council and later, the House of Representatives, where he became a minister. When the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo became the Premier of the defunct Western Region, Aderemi became the Governor.</div>
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Okunade Sijuwade was the grandson of Oba Adelekan Olubuse I. He was born around the period of Aderemi’s coronation. From infancy, he had the royal mark and many townspeople perceived him as a future king. Everything about him was royalty. His mettle of speech, his walking style, mode of conversation, dressing and choice of friends cast him in the mould of a rare prince with a special royal taste.</div>
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According to his colleagues at the Baptist Grammar School, Abeokuta and Oduduwa College, Sijuwade was always conscious of his royal background. At Ife, he was fond of dressing like a king, with his peers hailing him as Kabiyesi. While in Abeokuta as a student, he earned the respect from tutors and students. He once told his principal, the highly respected Cannon Ransom-Kuti, that he was the future Ooni of Ife. After ascertaining his claim, the foremost educationist admonished him to always be of good behaviour because only an <i>Omoluabi </i>could command the admiration of his subjects and survive on the prestigious throne.</div>
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Before going abroad for further studies, Sijuwade had exhibited the traits of a man of the future. He was hardworking. When he returned, he worked as a Sales Manager in Leventies Motors. He made good money and invested. He loved life and led it to the fullest. It was during his glorious career that he invited the eminent Benin chief, Gabriel Igbinedion, to join the business group. Both remained as friends till he joined his ancestors. At Ife, Sijuwade became a household name. He was a charismatic figure. As social functions, his presence was always electrifying. Prominent musicians, including Evangelist Ebenezer Fabiyi Obey, waxed records eulogising his magnetic personality and business prowess.</div>
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Reflecting on his business career, Sijuwade said that, at a point, he was not nursing the ambition to become a monarch reign again.  Having re-located to London, he faced his business squarely. But, Oba Aderemi passed on in 1980 at a ripe age of 98 years.  The late sage, Awolowo, the Odole of Ife, broke the news to the prince and urged him to return home. In December 1980, Sijuwade fulfilled his destiny.</div>
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Awo was full of nostalgia. The cornerstone of his administration in the old Western Region was the traditional institution. Five royal fathers were at the forefront of his struggle for political relevance. They were the Ooni Aderemi; the Olowo of Owo, the late Oba Olateru-Olagbegi; the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, the late Oba Anirare Aladesanmi; the Odemo of Isara, the late Oba Samuel Akinsanya; and the Saki of Arigidi, Oba Olanipekun. During the formation of the <i>Egbe Omo Oduduwa,</i> which later became the Action Group (AG), Oba Aderemi was the patron. The first meeting of the party was hosted by Oba Olateru-Olagbegi in Owo. The Alaafin of Oyo, the late Oba Adeniran Adeyemi, was a fanatical supporter of the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC). In that capacity, he and the AG Vice President, Chief Bode Thomas, the Balogun of Oyo, clashed. Although Saki Arigidi and Olowo later abandoned Awo during the AG crisis when the late Chief Ladoke Akintola rebelled, Ooni’s support for the AG continued to give the party an edge.</div>
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Thus, when the curtains were drawn on Aderemi’s reign, progressive forces supported Sijuwade’s bid for the throne. Sijuwade was very close to Awo. He had worked in The Nigerian Tribune owned by the eminent politician. In the late sixties, Bola Ige, the activist-lawyer, was the AG National Publicity Secretary. When the stool of Ooni was declared vacant, he had become the governor of Oyo State and the consenting authority. Since Sijuwade was backed by Awo and his wife, Hannah, the coast was clear for him to ascend the throne. On the day of his coronation, it was evident that he was a crowd puller. The Staff of Office was presented to him by Ige, amid applause by his leader, Awo. It is ironical that, many years later, the cap of the Cicero of Esa-Oke was seized from him and hung on a tree at the same palace by hoodlums allegedly instigated by political foes.</div>
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After his coronation, Sijuwade’s first duty was to pay visits to his brother Obas in the Southwest states. Later, he made HID Awolowo the Yeyeoba of Ile-Ife and later, Yeye Oodua of Ile-Ife. Following Awo’s demise, he also made Chief GOK Ajayi (SAN), the Odole of Ife.</div>
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Oba Sijuwade endowed the stool with honour, dignity and visibility. He was rich. Thus, through sheer philanthropy, he warmed himself to many indigenes. The monarch was also highly respected by the government. Before he ascended the throne, he had courted many eminent Yoruba.</div>
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Oba Sijuwade had a unique dress code. In the gathering of royal fathers, he was always the cynosure of all eyes. He was sociable. He was versed in Yoruba history. He was also humorous. During a television programme, the moderator asked from the Kabiyesi whether he was good in bed. The Ooni was unperturbed. He replied: “Do you have a mother? Bring her and you will know.”</div>
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However, reminiscent of his grandfather’s reign, crisis soon broke out in his kingdom. According to Rev. Samuel Johnson, Oba Adelekan Olubuse had succeeded in wiping away any trace of Modakeke from Ile-Ife. In his book, <i>The History of Yoruba,</i> he wrote: “Thus, it came to pass that, on 27th day of March, 1909, twenty-three years after the imposition of the Treaty, the town (Modakeke) was broken up. Those of them who were descended from Owu removed to their ancestral homes to Owu Ipole, between Ife and Ijebu; others to Gbangan, some to Odunabon, others to Ede; the bulk of the people, however, with Ogunsua or Bale of Modakeke removed to a place called Odekomu, somewhere midway between Ede, Ife and the Ijesas, about ten miles from Ife, just beyond the River Sasa, which after the war was made the boundary of Ife territory.</div>
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“Adelekan seems to have been raised up for the purpose of breaking up Modakeke, for he commenced his hostilities against the town soon after he was raised to the stool of the Owoni, and he died the year after the breaking up of the town. They drove us twice from our home”, he used to say, “and we must see that they are driven permanently from theirs.”</div>
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But, Modakeke regained their lost land at Ife. The two monarchs, Ademiluyi, who invited them back to increase the population of his kingdom, and Aderemi, who married Segilola from Modakeke, struck a peace deal with them.</div>
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To many people, the resumption of hostilities between Ife and Modakeke, barely a year after Sijuwade became the Ooni, was unnecessary. A hundred years of communal relationship and inter-marriages should have erased the memory of strife and rancour. Time should have become the healer of wounds. The deaths and destruction of property were avoidable. According to historians, crisis broke out when Ife leaders attempted to rename Modakeke as “Isale Ife.” To Modakeke, an identity crisis was imminent. Thus, the Ogunsua and his kinsmen perceived it as another liberation war. The losses on both sides were lamentable. Many Yoruba obas, whose crown were from Ife, agonised over the fate of the cradle.  Even, when Ogunsua Adedoyin later prostrated for Ooni Sijuwade, the acrimony did not end. To restore peace, the military government had to create a separate local government for Modakeke. It was in recognition of the indisputable fact that the agitation for autonomy and preservation of identity are the anthems of the millennium.</div>
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The hand of the military was also heavy on the deceased Ooni. When he travelled to Israel along with the Emir of Kano, the late Alhaji Ado Ibrahim, he incurred the wrath of the government. His passport was seized, based on the order from above. But, he was kingly in his response to the embarrassment. When he was restricted to his ageless palace for six months, he refused to sign the restriction letter. Instead, he asked a chief to sign on his behalf. He also bore the vicissitudes with understanding and philosophical calmness. Reflecting on his ordeal, Oba Sijuwade alleged that a prominent monarch and a deceased business mogul, who was honorary chief of Oyo lied to the military government that he travelled abroad to import arms to fight the government.</div>
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When Oba Aderemi was alive, other Yoruba monarchs looked up to him for leadership and direction. But, when Sijuwade succeeded him, there was a curious personality assertion. Thus, crisis broke out between the Ooni and other monarchs - the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi; Owa Obokun Adimula of Ijesaland, Oba Adekunle Aromolaran; and the Soun of Ogbomoso, Oba Jimoh Oyewumi Ajagungbade - over the chairmanship of the Oyo State Council of Obas and Chiefs. Thus, the leadership of Ooni from time immemorial became a subject of dispute. But, following the creation of Osun State by the military government, the crisis was resolved. The Ooni became the Permanent President. The chairmanship is being rotated among other first class obas.</div>
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Oba Sijuwade wanted the best for Ile-Ife. He urged the Federal Government to consider Ife for the capital of Osun State. In fact, townspeople were full of eagerness. There were speculations that the Ooni was planning to ride round the town on a white horse, if his dream came to reality. But, Ife lost its bid for the capital. The Federal Government preferred Osogbo. To compensate the Iku Baba Yeye, a local government with its headquarter at Enuowa (the palace of Ooni) was created.</div>
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Also, Ooni Sijuwade’s agitation for Oduduwa State failed to see the light of the day. He had proposed that Ife and its environs, Ijesaland and parts of Ekiti, particularly Efon-Alaaye, should be part of the proposed state. The Ooni was particularly fond of Efon Kingdom. In fact, according to legend, at any public function, the Alaayemore, being the younger brother of Ooni, must sit on the Ooni’s lap for some seconds as a mark of reunion and assurance of an unbroken brotherly affection. It was tradition.</div>
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When Oba Aderemi was on throne, there was no acrimony between him and Alaafin Adeyemi II. Oba Sijuwade even claimed that he was among the people that were instrumental to the ascension of the Alaafin to the throne. He said he agreed to support him, based on a request by his friend, Chief Ashamu. But, when Sijuwade became the Ooni, they parted ways. They were both locked in a media war over claims and counter-claims of superiority. Oba Adeyemi described himself as the descendants of eminent Alaafins who were overlords in the days of the Oyo Empire. Oba Sijuwade said he was not excited by that relic of history, saying that the empire had ceased to exist. But, Alaafin Adeyemi II delved into history, emerging with documents to buttress his claims that the colonial masters were dealing with the Alaafins as the Oba of Yoruba in the early days of colonialism.</div>
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Few years ago, the Ooni responded to the quest of some community heads in his domain for upgrading into obaship.  When he upgraded them, his authority was not questioned.</div>
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During Oba Aderemi’s reign, there was no tension between Ife and Benin. Oba Aderemi and Oba Akenzua related well as brothers. In fact, when Aderemi was the governor, Akenzua was the President of the Western Regional House of Chiefs, with Ewi Aladesanmi as the Vice President. But, Oba Sijuwade and Omo N’oba Uku Akpolokpolo, Ereduwa, had a reason to clash.</div>
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According to scholars of history, Oranmiyan, the son of Oduduwa and founder of Oyo Empire, had influence on Benin monarchy. But, the Benin monarch disputed the historical claim that Oranmiyan’s children ruled Benin Kingdom. Oba Sijuwade cried foul, saying that history was being distorted. He said even Oba Akenzua acknowledged his Ile-Ife and Yoruba connection. He explained that, up to the 1930s, the official language at the palace of the Oba of Benin was Yoruba.</div>
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To many Yoruba, Oba Sijuwade was also controversial monarch. When traditional rulers were summoned to Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) by the late Head of State, the late Gen. Sani Abacha, to view video clips on the coup involving Gen. Oladipo Diya and others, reporters played a fast one on the Ooni. The military was trying to justify the trial of the alleged plotters. Oba Sijuwade was among the monarchs interviewed by the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA). “He (Abacha) is speaking sense,” he told the reporters. But, observers contended that it was evident that the interview was edited to suit a particular purpose. Many Yoruba frowned at the remark credited to the monarch.</div>
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Oba Sijuwade was also unable for forge unity in Yorubaland at the twilight of his life. The Southwest has been bitterly divided by the pursuit of antagonistic political interests by the sons of Oduduwa in the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). When former President Goodluck Jonathan visited Ife and he was taken to a semblance of the traditional power house of Oduduwa for royal blessing, it was the last straw that broke the back of the camel. It was misinterpreted to mean that the Arole Oduduwa has abandoned political neutrality.</div>
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However, many Yoruba agree that Oba Sijuwade left indelible marks on the sands of time. He made his mark as a successful businessman, philanthropist and royal father who was held in esteem beyond Yorubaland.</div>
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Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II - The End Of An Era

The remains of the late Ooni of Ife , Oba Okunade Sijuwade, will be interred today. But, his legacies will linger for a long time. The ...

[TRIBUTE]: The Oba Okunade Sijuwade I knew - By Olusegun Obasanjo

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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgflcW4_z5zKGgHAtyOfylPpfVPImn3m10gFRsBBw10w7qyQaKjVzJz1BNdIjvEsqeVthiwRvwbBjkx6N-vLn1lnyVazdNcey7dT8ikn5xUE8BoZEbswSa7pr0M_l0qVLhYlXFSxgIgAMiU/s1600/Ooni3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgflcW4_z5zKGgHAtyOfylPpfVPImn3m10gFRsBBw10w7qyQaKjVzJz1BNdIjvEsqeVthiwRvwbBjkx6N-vLn1lnyVazdNcey7dT8ikn5xUE8BoZEbswSa7pr0M_l0qVLhYlXFSxgIgAMiU/s1600/Ooni3.jpg" /></a></div>
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<b>I do appreciate the immense pain that the unfortunate death of the Late Oba Okunade Sijuwade has caused his Oloris, children, grandchildren, great grandchildren and the entire people of the Kingdom of Ife in particular and Osun State in general, who must be grieving at the demise of the Oba. </b></div>
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Oba Sijuwade was, undoubtedly, a very eminent citizen and his death will be felt not only by his people but indeed, the entire nation. We can, nevertheless, be consoled from knowing that Oba Sijuwade has gone to rest in the bosom of his Maker and left behind him a good name and worthy legacy. Indeed, ‘Erin wo’.</div>
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We have been inspired, over the years, by Oba Sijuwade’s most impressive career as a tested manager of men and resources, a proprietor of repute, and an industrialist of distinction. From the Tribune Group where he had his early experience in the private sector through the Leventis family and therefrom into private entrepreneurship, he truly distinguished himself as a businessman of note.</div>
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His attainments, over the years, surely culminated in his unanimous nomination and coronation as the Ooni Olubuse II of Ile-Ife since November 1980. In this capacity, he functioned as Chancellor of the University of Uyo in Akwa Ibom State in 1988. It is a measure of his selfless and qualitative service to our dear country that he was honoured with the revered national award of the Commander of the Federal Republic, CFR, by former President Alhaji Shehu Shagari in 1983.</div>
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The late Oba Sijuwade was a patriotic and highly respected traditional ruler who had immeasurable love for his people and great faith in a united Nigeria. I remember his firmness in support of Government at all levels when I was President of Nigeria. His staunch support was appreciated and would always be remembered for it. He, accordingly, stood out as a voice of honesty and forthrightness in national affairs. He was at the same time a fervent promoter of mutual tolerance and understanding not only among the diverse people who lived in his domain but also across the country. The toga of acrimony, thuggery and violence which stigmatized the politics and the people of Ife and Modakeke for many years was permanently brought to an end by him with the support of his royal colleagues. Today, there can be no gainsaying that his nearly four-decade reign was marked by unprecedented peace-making and lasting peace and prosperity in Ife and Modadeke.</div>
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The late Oba followed the tradition of his great predecessors. He was a great traditional leader, urbane and respected by his subjects. His influence transcended the Kingdom of Ife and, indeed, Osun State. He stood shoulder-to-shoulder with traditional rulers across Nigeria and beyond the shore of Nigeria and was very well respected among his counterparts from the South, North and East. He was a unifying force not just in Ife but in the whole of the South Western zone and beyond.</div>
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Oba Sijuwade’s journey to meet his ancestors means an irreplaceable loss to his family, his people, Osun State and, indeed, Nigeria. For those of us who knew Oba Sijuwade closely for many years, the good times we shared, the successes we achieved together and the lessons we learned are as consoling as the legacy he left behind. Only about ten days ago he invited me to Ife to share with him his views and feelings on some national and community issues. It was like a parting shot.</div>
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Oba Sijuwade may no longer be with us but his legacy endures. He had a vision for his Kingdom and pursued it with every resource available to him. We must not let that vision for the greatness of Ife and the entire Yorubaland depart with him.</div>
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As we bid farewell to this great Nigerian, let us rededicate ourselves to the values he cherished and lived by such as love of the country and community as well as the readiness to help the less fortunate at all times.</div>
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On behalf of my family and on my own behalf, I extend heartfelt condolences on the final transition of Alaiyeluwa Okunade Sijuwade and pray that the Almighty God grant you all the fortitude to bear this irreparable loss.</div>
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May the soul of the dear departed rest in perfect peace.</div>
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<b>Culled from <a href="http://blogs.premiumtimesng.com/?p=168434">Premium Times</a></b></div>
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[TRIBUTE]: The Oba Okunade Sijuwade I knew - By Olusegun Obasanjo

I do appreciate the immense pain that the unfortunate death of the Late Oba Okunade Sijuwade has caused his Oloris, children, grandchildr...

[OPINION]: Peace And The Nazarene Peasant - By Pius Adesanmi

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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRnH7NhLElOWw7DIyPHqJdwLThix521L3AJ-7Qt-rV_VLMFfJFLxd0FgGXGtUTh99u5RTlEnd4rPM2mrJhMCi69fJ-TvA5oh8uxfaao-BcuFtw-HJpcIPpI92rajWcK-Jsd_GneC9XY7Gu/s1600/pius_adesanmi_4_1_1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRnH7NhLElOWw7DIyPHqJdwLThix521L3AJ-7Qt-rV_VLMFfJFLxd0FgGXGtUTh99u5RTlEnd4rPM2mrJhMCi69fJ-TvA5oh8uxfaao-BcuFtw-HJpcIPpI92rajWcK-Jsd_GneC9XY7Gu/s1600/pius_adesanmi_4_1_1.jpg" /></a></div>
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<b>The Nazarene peasant whose earthly father was a carpenter rose to international fame for so many reasons. He was born in a manger among goats and sheep. Today, over a billion people swear by his name. They swear by his name because his life is a compass, a total compendium of examples, a mirror of definitions. His life answers every question, illuminates every riddle, and provides definitions for everything.</b></div>
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We must examine such an exemplary life for a lasting definition of peace. The Nazarene peasant had two definitions of peace. One is the absence of conflict and chaos. Chaos could be a function of wars or of the anger of the elements. That is why he told the raging tempest and winds:</div>
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"Peace, be still."</div>
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And they all sweetly obeyed his will. </div>
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And no water swallowed the ship where lay the master of ocean and earth and skies. And no grave in an angry deep had power over him.</div>
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Another day, another time, the Nazarene peasant gave the world a second definition of peace. The second definition should be the most important for his followers in the corrupt backwaters of Africa and the Third World. He defined peace as the absence of corruption. He defined peace as zero tolerance for corruption.</div>
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And this is where he adds a class dimension to his conceptualization of peace and fair. He says there can be no peace and no fair in the land when a class of people is perpetually allowed to corrupt the land. For him, peace is when you take decisive and resolute steps to deal with corruption; fair is when you deal with corruption in an all-encompassing manner, with no possibility of a soft landing for anybody.</div>
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To avoid any misunderstanding of this second definition of peace, the Nazarene peasant gave a practical demonstration. He took a koboko and went to the greatest haven of corruption in his day - the Temple.</div>
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And he flogged and drove away all the moneychangers. And swept the Temple clean of corruption.</div>
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No moneychanger was left unflogged and unpunished.</div>
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Had a euphemism committee appealed to the Nazarene peasant to "be fair" to the moneychangers, it would not have worked. He would have said that he sees fair from the perspective of the victims of the moneychangers, the victims of their corruption. He would have told them that his definition of fair is appropriate punishment for corruption without fear or favour.</div>
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Had he encountered goats and sheep as he furiously flogged corruption out of the Temple, my spirit tells me that he would not have developed a soft spot for the only companions he had in that humble manger. Goats and sheep were his benefactors because they shared their abode with his mother when she was in labour. Yet, goats and sheep would not have benefited from nepotism and special favours.</div>
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Oju wa ni won se bi - goats and sheep are the singular owners of this eye witness narrative of his birth but had he encountered them during his anti-corruption sweep through the Temple, he would not have treated them differently from the moneychangers. Every goat and every sheep would have had to account for every yam eaten.</div>
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These are the issues for President Buhari to reflect upon as he is subjected to one and the repeated visit by the Soft Landing-General of the Federation, Abdulsalami Abubakar. This retired General is a clear and present danger to President Buhari's integrity narrative. How Buhari handles him will determine whether we can take his anti-corruption war seriously. It will determine whether Professor Itse Sagay will be allowed to function and deliver.</div>
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President Buhari went to the United States and talked the talk about the Halliburton bribery scandal. He said he would reopen that file. The creme de la creme of Nigeria's leadership received and shared USD 180 million in bribes from Halliburton. Three former Heads of state were fingered in this bribery mess. Abdulsalami Abubakar is one of them. And that is not mentioning the monumental disappearance of funds he presided over in his short spell as Head of State. </div>
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President Buhari, how are you going to proceed with the Halliburton case when one of the indictees is constantly visiting you on soft landing (fairness is a euphemism) missions? He started with Hajia Desinatu. President Buhari, how is Professor Sagay to feel when he sees you in photo-ops with a man who may soon come to the attention of his committee? You have said that there will be no sacred cows in this new anti-corruption business. No sacred cows means no photo-ops with potential subjects of investigation and prosecution. The Nazarene peasant would never have entertained a handshake from any of the moneychangers he drove away from the temple.</div>
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President Buhari, one of your visitors owns a private jet. Recently, that jet was involved in a very messy affair in South Africa. That messy affair was supervised by the corrupt and discredited former national security adviser. Because the owner of that jet was untouchable under your immediate predecessor, an official lie was fabricated to cover up the mess and dissociate him from the money laundering and gun running scandal his jet was used for. Needless to say, nobody is satisfied with the tall stories told about how his jet came to be involved in such a messy affair. It is a file that you will have to reopen. This man should not be doing photo-ops with you until we are sure that we have no yams to retrieve from him. The Nazarene peasant would have been particularly harsh on this man. Did he not warn that "many shall come in my name?"</div>
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When next a committee visits you, look at the composition and receive only the credible people in it. There are unassailable public role models in that committee. Stick with those names and the public will not be jittery that they are visiting you. But the two I have mentioned make me nervous. They make the country nervous.</div>
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One last word for you, President Buhari. Do not joke with your personal security. Corruption is powerful. Corruption fights back. If corruption pleads and cajoles and appeals and you refuse to play ball, corruption will try to take you out - especially if you truly and genuinely move beyond talk and body language to actually touch that deadly Halliburton file. Stop your foolish populism of breaching your security instructions to mingle while you are fighting corruption.</div>
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Corruption fought the Nazarene peasant.</div>
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Corruption elevated Barabbas the thief above him.</div>
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Corruption conspired with the political leaders of the land to hang him on the cross.</div>
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Unfortunately for corruption, burdens are lifted at Calvary.</div>
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<b>Culled from <a href="http://saharareporters.com/2015/08/12/peace-and-nazarene-peasant-pius-adesanmi">SaharaReporters</a></b></div>
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[OPINION]: Peace And The Nazarene Peasant - By Pius Adesanmi

The Nazarene peasant whose earthly father was a carpenter rose to international fame for so many reasons. He was born in a manger among...

[OPINION]: Finally, The Anticorruption War is Fully On - By Timawus Mathias

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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhUmTHbmHHpfOCQ6gOdkxhn7rw268KKAnONvpSMy73GVFH1xLjp8Pi7Xqg4rSO0XIL7iJ7scfj7sqwZjjOge1z56rM_6o6wQgE22x1GX3ojscxyWojo1aZkImh81ueageihSV1YdhpxH6Vy/s1600/GMB+008.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhUmTHbmHHpfOCQ6gOdkxhn7rw268KKAnONvpSMy73GVFH1xLjp8Pi7Xqg4rSO0XIL7iJ7scfj7sqwZjjOge1z56rM_6o6wQgE22x1GX3ojscxyWojo1aZkImh81ueageihSV1YdhpxH6Vy/s1600/GMB+008.jpg" /></a></div>
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<b>How did I miss the white smoke that billowed from the chimneys of Aso Rock Villa! Such event as the setting up of a Presidential Advisory Committee on Corruption is significant, but my goodness, election of Professor Itse Sagay as Head requires a profound symbol to herald the occurrence.</b></div>
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President Muhammadu Buhari’s shift to overdrive has gotten the nation gliding truly on the highway of Change. Most Nigerians who voted him to office had worried that this gear shift would not come to pass. Nigeria, despite its huge potential has continued to lag behind in almost every facet of life as its infrastructure has remained perpetually underdeveloped, its human resources untapped and its young ones unemployed. Nigeria is the proverbial case of dying in the midst of plenty. Nigeria is probably one of the most blessed countries in the world with an alarming rate of poverty and unemployment that completely belies its rich resources, all in the main, due to the cancer of corruption afflicting the nation.</div>
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Today, the thrust of President Buhari’s singular issue that would guarantee his success as the change President Nigerians voted and hoped for has moved one step forward and one notch higher. The setting up of the Presidential Advisory Committee on Anti-corruption is undoubtedly a significant step in the drive to exorcise the demons of corruption that had hitherto hindered the nation from asserting itself as one of the most successful economies in the world.</div>
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The leader of the Committee Professor Sagay is a man of unquestionable integrity and the members of the committee as people committed to the cause of change in Nigeria. The committee signals Buhari’s commitment to dealing with the issue of corruption in Nigeria and moving the country forward towards achieving the lofty ideals on making Nigeria a better place. This development marks a significant departure from the general and perennial lips service paid to the issue of corruption in the past. Setting up a Committee of scholars is significant because first and foremost corruption in Nigeria needs to be defined and identified for what it is. It is so rooted in us to the point that it is seen as the Nigerian way of life. In Ghana, the word kalabule refers to corruption. A Nigerian is also despicably called a kalabule. A definition is necessary to set clearly what needs being traced, and dealt with from origin.</div>
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It portends the hope that we would return to the traditional values of goodness and godliness, virtue and integrity that hitherto characterized our society. Now there may be hope that the days of War Against Indiscipline (WAI) and creation of a society where people are loved and respected based on the "content of their character" and quality of their productivity rather than their association, are soon with us.</div>
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It would be of interest to know what solution can be proffered to the challenge of political party and political activity financing given the inevitable pillage of State treasury by politicians who consider their activity as investment for which transfer of State assets is the return. Another area of interest is the issue of local government funding as in most states in Nigeria, most local governments have been reduced to cash points for state governments who divert the funds for uses that do not meet the needs of Nigerians at the grassroots.</div>
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The Sagay-led committee must isolate and define the issue of contracts inflation, poor implementation of outright abandonment; embezzlement of public funds and the conversion of States into fiefs by our elected. These have been accepted as the norm. It is from here that the nation must depart in order to restore public confidence in government and governance in Nigeria.</div>
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The committee must propose means towards delivering Nigeria from the corruption that has eaten deep into the entire fabric of the nation with the full awareness that the future of the nation depends on success or failure. They must be prepared to give their all into defining of this must win fight, even for the sake of generations of Nigerians who know nothing about dignity in labour - generations who have more accustomed to the mysterious path to a so-called success without recourse to merit, competence, competition, effort and indeed, hard work.</div>
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Present and future generations must see that there is a reward for hard work and punishment for the lazy, indolent and corrupt. In this lies all hope for the rebirth of the Nigerian nation and its people’s dreams and aspirations. Herein lies all hope for the renewal of trust between government and the governed. The hope is that henceforth, all Nigerians would stand equal before the law and in the awareness that with commitment and effort, the system will provide the opportunity for everyone to be anything one dreamed of becoming in life. The Sagay committee is made up of men who understand that the tied to corruption is the key to fundamental platform for Buhari’s success the key to the rebirth. Then it would be a new Nigeria “where peace, love, unity and the labour of our heroes past shall never be in vain” as citizens would melodiously sound the anthem.</div>
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Time is of essence. Nigeria is a large country with many complexities. For years, the country has degenerated from one level of the malady of corruption to another far worse one. The political system guarantees separation of power and devolution to states and other tiers in the realm. Yet the reforms proposed must be all encompassing, if the attainments are to be thorough and sustainable.</div>
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Culled from <b><a href="http://www.dailytrust.com.ng/news/opinion/finally-the-anticorruption-war-is-fully-on/105924.html">Daily Trust</a></b></div>
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[OPINION]: Finally, The Anticorruption War is Fully On - By Timawus Mathias

How did I miss the white smoke that billowed from the chimneys of Aso Rock Villa! Such event as the setting up of a Presidential Adviso...

[OPINION]: Buhari Made Me Cry Today "For Jonathan’s 6 Wasted Years" – By Essien Attah

<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiu_gQTLdMYTXRUyhCKZY_hXvgxRYJzT6dtNi5P4UgelSLXlEDRcD8nb5LyQej_Fu1H3FfU9F1SgUY5hWcYOYUdx0ui8Ptd8gVgd5Y-tqmQDJ4QY9CJdGVNe5Zr1FqoJDjrB3B7j9oxNm19/s1600/Aare.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiu_gQTLdMYTXRUyhCKZY_hXvgxRYJzT6dtNi5P4UgelSLXlEDRcD8nb5LyQej_Fu1H3FfU9F1SgUY5hWcYOYUdx0ui8Ptd8gVgd5Y-tqmQDJ4QY9CJdGVNe5Zr1FqoJDjrB3B7j9oxNm19/s1600/Aare.jpg" /></a></div>
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<b>For the first time in a long while, I cried profusely like a baby. Tears of joy.</b></div>
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<b>For six years we had a President from the South South who failed to address the decades of environmental degradation that have plagued the Niger Delta.</b></div>
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For six years our lands lay like the scorched earth of a nuclear apocalypse.</div>
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For six years many held their head high that their kin was President by day but drank bitter polluted waters by night. Isn’t it a shame that it takes a Hausa man vilified by most of my kin, to arise to this challenge and order the immediate clean up of the Delta?</div>
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I wept because to be truthful we do not deserve such having blown away our chance at salvation on a clueless man from Otuoke.</div>
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We don't deserve such, for the greatest senseless critics of this benevolent President are in this region. Those who insult him and laugh at his Fulani accent are now going to be the beneficiary of his greatest act since becoming President.</div>
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Indeed President Buhari is not a Nigerian, who prefers to colourise every action under the microscope of ethnicity and religion.</div>
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I have no choice but to cry like a baby at the six wasted years wandering in a wilderness called Jonah and Patience. For now our saviour has come and he is not even our kin, but an Aboki Muslim from the much vilified North.</div>
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President Buhari thank you for sanctioning the clean up of the Niger Delta. To me that is your greatest act since you became President. You have not let us down, we that support you and pray for you.</div>
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Thank you for saving Nigeria from the hands of those who drove us to the brink of destruction.</div>
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Thank you and Thank you. God bless PMB and the Federal Republic of Nigeria.</div>
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<b><a href="http://community.vanguardngr.com/forum/topics/buhari-made-me-cry-today-for-jonathan-s-6-wasted-years-essien">Vanguard</a></b></div>
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[OPINION]: Buhari Made Me Cry Today "For Jonathan’s 6 Wasted Years" – By Essien Attah

For the first time in a long while, I cried profusely like a baby. Tears of joy. For six years we had a President from the South So...

OP ED: Nigeria Committed to Good Governance and Fighting Terror - By Muhammadu Buhari

<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuHaUrmYzgTmUECd6PyavNFzypz7hNre7t2QlL3YBw2hOwM-kagjMQ0bxPrIWjfFMXBJ_Ar-knQ4WJkrli47ExUsvcMT__RYz_1LNKGrop4oeg7Oe0g93_9q9GzgKf-ObY5uB4fSOTlxGA/s1600/PMB+in+US+110.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuHaUrmYzgTmUECd6PyavNFzypz7hNre7t2QlL3YBw2hOwM-kagjMQ0bxPrIWjfFMXBJ_Ar-knQ4WJkrli47ExUsvcMT__RYz_1LNKGrop4oeg7Oe0g93_9q9GzgKf-ObY5uB4fSOTlxGA/s1600/PMB+in+US+110.jpg" /></a></div>
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<b>This month, the world moved a step closer to the defeat of Boko Haram, the jihadist group that has terrorised hundreds of thousands in the northern states of Nigeria. In one of my first acts since taking office as president six weeks ago, I have replaced the heads of Nigeria’s army, navy and air force. Our new military leadership has not been chosen because of their familiarity with those in government, as was too often the case in the past, but on their track records and qualifications alone.</b></div>
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These new military leaders will be based in Borno State in northern Nigeria, where the headquarters of the armed services has been relocated. This shift of resources and command directly to the front line, in addition to the replacement of the head of the State Security Service, Nigeria’s intelligence organisation, and a new emphasis on working in partnership with our neighbours, has equipped us to take the fight directly to Boko Haram.</div>
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Already we are beginning to see a degrading of Boko Haram’s capabilities as a fighting force. In recent weeks, it appears to have shifted away from confronting the military directly to an increase in attacks on civilian areas, as we saw only last week when an elderly woman and 10-year-old girl blew themselves up at a Muslim prayer gathering in northeastern Nigeria. We should not be confused by this change, hateful as it is: It does not mean that Boko Haram is succeeding in its aims - it shows that it is losing.</div>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: '';"><i>We seek the support and partnership of the United States in these tasks. The importance of the fight against terrorism and corruption in Nigeria, Africa’s most powerful economy and largest populace, cannot be underestimated. Our allies can provide much-needed military training and intelligence as our soldiers take the war effort to Boko Haram. Similarly, we look to U.S. businesses as well as the Obama administration to help develop governance initiatives that can ensure that Nigeria’s wealth benefits all its people, not just a few. By taking these steps, we will be positioned to benefit from increased investment - particularly in energy and electricity - from the United States.</i></span></blockquote>
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While we work to defeat the terrorists, I ask the people of Nigeria and the world for resolve and fortitude. The campaign we will wage will not be easy; it may not be swift. We should expect stages of success and also moments when it may appear that our advances have been checked. But no one should have any doubt as to the strength of our collective will or my commitment to rid this nation of terror and bring back peace and normalcy to all affected areas.</div>
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Similarly, my determination should not be underestimated in other matters. This includes instilling good governance and tackling the scourge of corruption that has held Nigeria back for too long.</div>
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As I meet with President Obama today - the first time a president of the United States will encounter a Nigerian counterpart following the peaceful transfer of power in a contested election in our history - I will be discussing my plans for critical reforms. So, too, will I discuss why the formation of my administration is taking time and, crucially, why it must. Already there are voices saying these changes are taking too long - even though only six weeks have passed since my inauguration. I hear such calls, but this task cannot and should not be rushed.</div>
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When cabinet ministers are appointed in September, it will be some months after I took the oath of office. It is worth noting that Obama himself did not have his full Cabinet in place for several months after first taking office; the United States did not cease to function in the interim. In Nigeria’s case, it would neither be prudent nor serve the interests of sound government to have made these appointments immediately on my elevation to the presidency; instead, Nigeria must first put new rules of conduct and good governance in place.</div>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: '';"><i>I was elected on a platform of change. I know this is what the people of Nigeria desire more than anything else. I know they are impatient for action. I realise the world waits to see evidence that my administration will be different from all those that came before. Yet reforming my country after so many years of abuse cannot be achieved overnight. In our campaigns against both Boko Haram and corruption, we should remain steadfast and remember, as it is said: "Have patience. All things become difficult before they become easy."</i></span></blockquote>
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I cannot stress how important it is to ensure that this process is carried out correctly, just as it has been crucial to first install the correct leadership of the military and security services before we fully take the fight to Boko Haram.</div>
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There are too few examples in the history of Nigeria since independence where it can be said that good management and governance were instituted at a national level. This lack of a governance framework has allowed many of those in charge, devoid of any real checks and balances, to plunder. The fact that I now seek Obama’s assistance in locating and returning $150 billion in funds stolen in the past decade and held in foreign bank accounts on behalf of former, corrupt officials is testament to how badly Nigeria has been run. This way of conducting our affairs cannot continue.</div>
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Indeed, the failure of governance, it can be argued, has been as much a factor in Nigeria’s inability thus far to defeat Boko Haram as have been issues with the military campaign itself.</div>
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So the path we must take is simple, even if it is not easy: First, instill rules and good governance; second, install officials who are experienced and capable of managing state agencies and ministries; and third, seek to recover funds stolen under previous regimes so that this money can be invested in Nigeria for the benefit of all of our citizens.</div>
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We seek the support and partnership of the United States in these tasks. The importance of the fight against terrorism and corruption in Nigeria, Africa’s most powerful economy and largest populace, cannot be underestimated. Our allies can provide much-needed military training and intelligence as our soldiers take the war effort to Boko Haram. Similarly, we look to U.S. businesses as well as the Obama administration to help develop governance initiatives that can ensure that Nigeria’s wealth benefits all its people, not just a few. By taking these steps, we will be positioned to benefit from increased investment - particularly in energy and electricity - from the United States.</div>
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<br /></div>
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I was elected on a platform of change. I know this is what the people of Nigeria desire more than anything else. I know they are impatient for action. I realise the world waits to see evidence that my administration will be different from all those that came before. Yet reforming my country after so many years of abuse cannot be achieved overnight. In our campaigns against both Boko Haram and corruption, we should remain steadfast and remember, as it is said: "Have patience. All things become difficult before they become easy."</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b>Muhammadu Buhari (GCFR) is President and Commander-In-Chief of Nigeria’s Armed Forces.</b></div>
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<i>This Op-Ed was initially published in <b>The Washington Post </b>on July 20 in preparation for President Buhari's meeting with President Barack Obama at the White House during his State Visit to the United States.</i></div>
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OP ED: Nigeria Committed to Good Governance and Fighting Terror - By Muhammadu Buhari

This month, the world moved a step closer to the defeat of Boko Haram, the jihadist group that has terrorised hundreds of thousands in ...

[ARTICLE]: An Afternoon With President Buhari - By Dele Momodu

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<b>Fellow Nigerians, let me confess that in over 30 years of writing no President has ever reacted directly or positively to my constant admonitions, lamentations or commendations. Rather, most of the time, their aides, cronies and acolytes used to fire darts and barbs at us from every direction. We were called unprintable names that our parents did not give us and by now we are so used to being abused and harassed by those who can never learn useful lessons from the past. You can thus fathom a guess as to how I must have felt when Femi Adesina's call sneaked in on me like a thief in the night.</b></div>
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I had written an article titled "<b><a href="http://nigerianewsroom.blogspot.com/2015/06/opinion-desperate-letter-to-president.html">A Desperate Memo to President Buhari</a>"</b> in which I tried to let the President feel the pulse of the people, especially those who felt he was being too sluggish about running the affairs of state. This memo to the President came on the heels of an earlier intervention titled <b>"In Search of Patience"</b> which unfortunately failed to achieve its objective. My mission had been to persuade my fellow citizens about giving the President some time to settle in before they start complaining about the pace and tempo of governance. I soon realised that rather than the dust settling down matters actually got exacerbated. In the desperate memo, I then attempted to tell the President some home truth about the things he could do urgently and without much ado. I took that chance because of the fact that I knew him to be a voracious reader of news, especially if it pertained to him. The gamble certainly paid off.</div>
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The President and his key aides read the "Desperate Memo" which had gone viral. A particular online newspaper chose to sensationalise and slant the story in a manner I never intended or envisaged.  Their version was garnished with salt and pepper by exhuming an old picture of mine in which I had cried for my mentor, Chief Moshood Abiola, and it was now tilted and titled <b>"Dele Momodu Weeps for President Buhari"</b>.  If the idea was to draw a wedge between me and the Presidency, it actually backfired and failed woefully to paint me as someone who has dumped President Buhari within weeks of attaining power. One influential man in the Presidential villa, Nura Rimi, actually saw the post and felt sufficiently alarmed that a key supporter like me should not be allowed to turn his back on the Presidency. He mentioned his fears to Special Adviser Media, Femi Adesina, a childhood friend and brother from our early days at Ife. They decided to intimate the President on the necessity to reach out to me immediately. The President gave his instant approval.</div>
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I was away from the country when I received Femi Adesina's call. My initial reaction before answering was that he was going to complain and grumble like most of his predecessors who only called whenever they felt you had written an unsavoury piece about their principal. At the very best, they would engage you in meaningless rigmarole, or issue veiled threats, by accusing you of being paid by their enemies. But Femi was refreshingly different. After exchanging pleasantries, he said: "Bob Dee, the President would want to have a one-on-one meeting with you after reading your latest article". The message sounded too unusual to be true because I had always seen Nigerian Presidents as the most unreachable human beings on earth. I told Femi I would be more than happy to head back to Nigeria to meet a man who has restored hope and dignity to every Nigerian.</div>
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The only problem was how to find a slot to squeeze me into the President's over-tight schedule. I waited for about a week without an appointment and then suddenly I got a text from State Protocol: <i>"Good morning sir. A window for you to see Mr President on Wednesday 15th July between 14.45 and 15.00hrs in his office has been created. Kindly note accordingly… SCOP". </i>A similar text was also forwarded to me from Femi. I was pleasantly surprised when I received a written notice of audience from Permanent Secretary, State House, Engineer Nebolisa O. Emodi. Subsequent follow-up calls were made to my Lagos office as reminders to me.</div>
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The level of professionalism and efficiency displayed was commendable. It was a radical departure from the past when I met a previous Nigerian President in London and was invited to meet him in Abuja. I came for the appointment at the scheduled time but was unable to see him for days. The Chief Security Officer at the time was not so friendly. He took me into his office and lectured me on all the no-go areas of discussion in the Presidential Villa, which rendered my visit totally useless.</div>
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The Aso Rock I returned to last Wednesday was virtually transfigured. All the security checks were professionally handled. The guys were strict but friendly about it. Some even joked about following me on social media. In a matter of minutes, I was welcomed into Femi Adesina's office by Senior Special Assistant, Media and Information, Garba Shehu. It was a happy reunion for the three of us old friends and I felt very much at home. I told Femi I wanted to pay courtesy call on the State House correspondents before meeting the President. I always give priority to my colleagues no matter how junior and went round shaking hands with most of those on duty. I promised to address them after meeting the President.</div>
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The day was made extra-special by the presence of the iconic diplomat and former Secretary-General of The Commonwealth, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, whose appointment to see the President was just ahead of mine. A great fan of my column, he came into the waiting lounge and he spoke for a couple of minutes with Femi and I. He inspired me as usual with his oratorical skills. "Dele, I continue to read your column with relish," he said matter-of-factly! </div>
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Thereafter, I was soon invited to climb the stairs leading to the President's office. Since there was no prior agenda sent about the topic of discussion, I had visualised the likely scenario and rehearsed accordingly. I also jotted down some salient points because I was determined to maximise the 15 minutes allotted to me without overstaying my welcome. For me, it was a rare honour and privilege to sit down all by myself with the President of Africa's greatest nation. It was important to pour out the boisterous content of my soul in a jiffy.</div>
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As time ticked away while I waited, I engaged myself in an interior monologue, otherwise known as stream-of-consciousness in Literary Appreciation. Then came the appointed time and I was ushered into the President's room. I was stunned to see the President already waiting for me by the door. Though we had met on two previous occasions, I didn't quite know how this particular meeting was going to pan out because on those occasions he was still a co-contestant at first and an aspirant/candidate on the latter visit in London.</div>
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I've met several Presidents in and out of power but the aura is never the same. The Buhari I met at his holiday apartment in London about four months ago, after his speech at Chatham House, was not the Buhari I met and discussed with last Wednesday. The new Buhari has the power to do and undo.  As the aphorism goes, he can turn a certified and certificated pauper into an instant billionaire with a mere stroke of the pen, and vice versa. More importantly, the destiny of nearly 200 million complex beings resides within his palms.  Yet here was the powerful man himself welcoming and leading me to a chair very close to him.</div>
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President Buhari fired the first shot right from the second I walked through the door: "Let me tell the truth that I was forced to see you by your friends here…" Wow, he would rather give credit to his aides. That was uncommon in our clime. The President was not yet done on the issue because as soon as I sat down, he fired another salvo: "I don't know if I should tell you this but I suspect Femi is working for you!" and we both exploded raucously. I'm loving this man more and more, I told myself. By then, he had inadvertently relaxed me totally and we were like two old buddies. I had been told endlessly about his supposed taciturnity; that you could sit with him for hours doing all the talking while the President would respond in only a few words. But to my biggest bewilderment and pleasant surprise, the President actually opened up to me and responded to my suggestions. In short we had a dialogue rather than the monologue I had programmed myself to expect in a worst case situation.</div>
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I was glad he had allowed two wonderful photographers, Bayo Omoboriowo and Sunday Aghaeze, to join us, as well as a cameraman from NTA. It would have been sad to tell the world the cordial nature of my meeting with the President without solid evidence. This is because he had asked everyone out after the photo-opportunities were comprehensively dealt with. I seized the opportunity to present a copy of my forthcoming book, <i>PENDULUM: A Book of Prophesies</i>, which is a compilation of some of my landmark essays in the last five years or thereabout. Not only did he show some excitement, he actually requested for my autograph: "Please, sign it for me so that people could see I got the original copy from you…" he said with that inimitable tinge of childlike innocence.  I couldn't believe this was the same over-demonised Buhari who had been superfluously described in lurid colours by political opponents. If he was play-acting before me, then he must be a damn-good-actor, I thought to myself coolly.</div>
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We went into our discussions proper after the general interlocutions. I told him why I wrote the "Desperate Memo" to him; Nigerians were getting restless and impatient; they expect an instant miracle; the momentum he gained during the election was nose-diving and affecting his super-brand; the opposition was already creeping in and trying to take advantage… and so on. The President said he was aware of people's expectations but they should exercise some patience as they would realise his vision and mission as events he was directing begin to unfold. He sounded like a man who knows what most of us don't know. He's the man in the driver's seat and only he can see the blind spots.</div>
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I told him it is important to us that he succeeds because our opponents don't believe things can be done better. I reiterated my belief that he cannot hand over Nigeria to typical politicians to run because they will wreck the entire process. I'm certain his Party is going to witness another combustion soon when he begins to assemble his team because political leaders prefer their lackeys to competent professionals. In spite of Party supremacy, he should not allow them to dump some garbage at his doorstep. He must insist on nominations that meet his avowed standards.</div>
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I suggested he should involve Nigerian academics in governance like he did as Head of State when he appointed Tam David-West, Ibrahim Gambari and others as Ministers before President Ibrahim Babangida repeated the same style by appointing Wole Soyinka, Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, Bolaji Akinyemi, Tai Solarin, Sunday Olagunju, Sam Oyovbaire, and others in various capacities. I theorised that the relative success of INEC is attributable to the fact that Professor Jega brought in many Professors who did not have the propensity for accumulation of wealth.</div>
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I told the President that he should do everything possible to carry the youths along. I suggested he could move a few of his important public functions from campus to campus. I mentioned how American Presidential debates and major Presidential interactions are often held in a university community with students in attendance. I observed that this helps to inspire the youths in no small measure. Any government that has the youths behind it will ultimately succeed.</div>
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The aspect of my submission that gave the President amusement amidst the seriousness was when I spoke about the importance of searching for bright women to bring on board: "Sir, I think women are better managers of people and resources for several reasons…" I posited that a woman cannot marry two or three men simultaneously but a man can have four wives and ten concubines at a go and this would encourage corruption. I also elaborated further by stating that women are more afraid of going to prison than men. The President was filled with mirth and exploded in laughter whilst acknowledging the sense and sagacity of my words.</div>
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The President confided in me that his three biggest worries are insecurity, corruption and power.  He spoke a bit about how he planned to address these issues. Finally, as he saw me off to the door, he spoke about his efforts at combating crime and terrorism and had kind words for the Chadians in particular. He felt proud about Chadian interventions on behalf of Nigeria. He would love to see such cooperation from other African countries.</div>
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On the whole, I had spent more than my allotted time of 15 minutes but I believe both of us concluded that we had a good and fruitful discourse. Before I departed, I promised the President my support and assured him that I would always alert him of sensitive developments needing his immediate attention through my articles and Column.</div>
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[ARTICLE]: An Afternoon With President Buhari - By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, let me confess that in over 30 years of writing no President has ever reacted directly or positively to my constant a...

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